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Law Limiting Discussion of Race in Schools Signed by Governor of Mississippi

It’s happened again, Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves signed a bill on Monday that would limit how race can be discussed in classrooms. The bill will take effect immediately, according to NBC News.

Instances similar to this one are happening in states all over the South. In Florida, a that would limit how schools and workplaces teach about race and identity. Last December in Texas, a law that would also went into effect. Now in Mississippi, the same thing is happening.

In a video posted on , Gov. Reeves said, “Contrary to what some critics may claim, this bill in no way, in no shape and in no form prohibits the teaching of history. Any claim that this bill will somehow stop Mississippi kids from learning about American history is just flat-out wrong.”

I’m no teacher or professor, but if the discussion of race was limited in my education, I feel like I would be missing out on a big chunk of American and world history.

From

The short title of says it would prohibit “critical race theory.” But the main text of the legislation does not mention or define the theory, and many supporters of the bill also have said they cannot define it.

The new law says no school, community college or university could teach that any “sex, race, ethnicity, religion or national origin is inherently superior or inferior.”

(CRT) aims to look at how racism has molded every part of American society such as public policy and institutions such as the justice system. It looks at how those policies and institutions were made to conserve the social, economic, and political inequalities between white people and people of color.

In a statement, the ACLU of Mississippi said that laws opposing critical theory “are thinly veiled attempts to silence discussions of race and gender amongst student and educators.”

In January, the majority Republican House voted to pass the bill after Black lawmakers debated for hours urging for the bill not to be passed. When it did, the state senators who voted for the bill.

According to NBC News, Mississippi Superintendent of Education Carey Wright said that is not even taught in the state’s schools. Even though the University of Mississippi law school has an elective class on the subject.

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Charlottesville trial will be a verdict on white supremacy in America

OPINION: What is particularly noteworthy about the civil suit regarding the Unite the Right rally is the federal law it invokes, the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871

More than four years after the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, the victims of the white supremacist mob are seeking justice. And the lawsuit they filed against the individuals and organizations who were responsible for that deadly rally is important to the future of American multiracial democracy.

While this trial may bring monetary compensation to the plaintiffs, more importantly it is part of the process of deciding whether white domestic terrorism and racial violence are an acceptable form of free speech, and if white criminality will go unpunished. This nation must now decide if it will allow organized white supremacist violence to run the show.

Jury selection and opening arguments have been made in the trial of Sines v. Kessler, a civil case filed on behalf of members of the Charlottesville community against 14 men and 10 far-right groups accused of waging the violence in Charlottesville on Aug. 11 and 12 in 2017. The Unite the Right protest, which focused on the removal of the statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee, culminated with James Fields, a Hitler admirer, plowing his car into a crowd of counter-protesters, killing Heather Heyer, 32, and injuring dozens more. Among the defendants are high-profile white supremacists and neo-Nazis, such as Andrew Anglin, Christopher Cantwell, Nathan Damigo, Matthew Heimbach, Jason Kessler, Elliot Kline, Jeff Schoep and Richard Spencer among others. 

The statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee stands behind a crowd of hundreds of white nationalists, neo-Nazis and members of the “alt-right” during the “Unite the Right” rally August 12, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Cantwell was reportedly inspired by Fox News host Tucker Carlson, who promotes the Great Replacement Theory, a white supremacist theory that elite liberals, Democrats and progressives want to replace white Americans with nonwhite immigrants. Once embraced by fringe elements, the Great Replacement Theory is now a mainstream belief of the Republican Party. The tiki torch-wielding Nazis who shouted “Jews will not replace us” and “You will not replace us” in Charlottesville were referring to that theory.  

Integrity First for America, a nonprofit organization, filed the lawsuit. The plaintiffs seek compensatory and statutory damages for physical and emotional injuries they sustained over the two-day period.

What is particularly noteworthy about this civil suit is the federal law it invokes. The plaintiffs have sued under the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, which was passed by Congress to enforce the 14th Amendment, protect the rights of 4 million formerly enslaved Black people and eliminate vigilante violence that terrorized Black folks and threatened the Republican Party’s Reconstruction efforts in the South following the Civil War. The law authorized the president to intervene by declaring martial law, sending in the Army and inflicting heavy penalties against terrorists when the former Confederate states refused to protect Black people and their White allies and attempted to deny “any person or any class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges or immunities under the laws.” At a time when Black people were almost exclusively sided with the Republican Party, the legislation found opposition among Democrats as well as moderate and conservative Republicans because it targeted private individuals and not just government officials.    

Today, in a nation where the Republican Party now breaks bread with domestic terrorists and relies on Jim Crow tactics, political violence, coups and insurrection to maintain white power, the Ku Klux Klan Act is as relevant as ever.

Earlier this year, Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) and the NAACP filed a lawsuit against former President Doanld Trump, his lawyer Rudy Giuliani and white hate groups for conspiring to storm the U.S. Capitol on January 6 in attempt to stop the Electoral College vote of of the 2020 presidential election in violation of the Ku Klux Klan Act. After being selected to chair the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol, Thompson said in July that he dismissed his claim in the lawsuit “to avoid the appearance of a conflict.”

The tragedy in Charlottesville foreshadowed the Capitol insurrection when rightwing militias, neo-confederates, Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, Three Percenters, Qanon cult members and others — with apparent support from some GOP officials — stormed the Capitol and attempted to take over the government for Trump after his election loss to now-President Joe Biden. Other events such as the mass murder at the Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston and the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh point to white supremacist violence as the most pressing terrorist threat in America today.  

Meanwhile, as the nation witnesses the bubbling of white rage and violent white supremacist ideology, people wonder what is coming next. And some of us wonder if America is going to make it. The nation formed through slavery and genocide is about to be consumed by the white mob — the forces of racial violence it refused to reckon with.      

The Confederacy lost the Civil War, but is winning the long game. After all, they never went away; they only changed names, and were never held accountable for their actions. The Charlottesville trial is important because this could be the first step to shutting down these white terror groups and putting them out of business. This is a test to see if America will hold white supremacist violence accountable in order to save itself.

Follow David A. Love on Twitter at @davidalove

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IndyCar courts Black fans, drivers in its push to diversify

IndyCar moved to create a more diverse workforce throughout all levels

Rod Reid ran a program full of young, Black kart racers locked out of a venue because of the pandemic and needing a track to race. 

Indianapolis Motor Speedway had spent millions on upgrades on the historic property at the same time last year when the coronavirus had a steely grip on the nation. There was no guarantee — even if gates were open — that there would be room for NXG Youth Motorsports ’ usual spot teaching kids STEM classes in a makeshift classroom in the paddock or for their drivers to race around the cone-lined course in a parking lot.

The suggestion was made to Reid: Why not dial up the new boss at IMS?

His plea for help last June to Roger Penske — Reid noted the 2,300 kids from 11 to 15 years old who have passed through the school over 15 years looking for a path into motorsports — turned instead into a startling revelation for the Captain.

Yes, the NXG kids needed a place to learn and hone their craft. But the blossoming drivers also represented a rare chance for a minority group severely underrepresented in racing to feel at home inside the sprawling, 111-year-old speedway.

“We told him what we were about and he was really surprised,” Reid said. “He did not know we existed. The reason we started, especially the idea of exposing the Black community to Indianapolis Motor Speedway, surprised him because he said he couldn’t believe people don’t feel welcome here. I told him, you’re talking years and years and years back to when a person of color couldn’t even go to the speedway.”

Mario Andretti, left, talks to Willy T. Ribbs before the Formula One U.S. Grand Prix auto race at the Circuit of the Americas in Austin, Texas. IndyCar is making an improved push to diversify its fanbase and its driving field. Ribbs and George Mack are the only two drivers to ever start an Indianapolis 500. (AP Photo/Darron Cummings, File)

The 84-year-old Penske offered NXG space at IMS to resume the program and, essentially, a new start. He helped NXG start a working relationship with Chevrolet, and the program secured loans to purchase a truck for its trailer. The talks with Penske happened to come not long after the death of George Floyd, a catalyst that in part led to IndyCar’s “Race for Equality and Change” initiative supporting diversity and inclusivity across the industry.

“I think the idea that a group of people would not feel welcome in a place he purchased, and a sport he loves, like I do, totally didn’t make sense to him,” Reid said. 

Much like NASCAR dealt with its own racial reckoning last year, IndyCar moved to create a more diverse workforce throughout all levels of a series that has had just two Black drivers race in the Indy 500, its showcase annual event that dates to 1911. Willy T. Ribbs became the first Black driver to start the race in 1991 (and again in 1993) and George Mack in 2002 are it.

“Isn’t it sad, all these years and not another Black driver?” Reid said.

The 66-year-old Ribbs, who drives this summer for the Superstar Racing Experience series, said he never cared much for his role as Indy 500 trailblazer.

“It did not matter. I didn’t care about it,” he said. “Still don’t. It meant nothing. I was focused on going fast and trying to win. If you focused on anything other than that when you were there, you were going to get hurt or get killed.” 

Programs launched over the last several months are designed to reach far beyond the cockpit, but an anchor of IndyCar’s plan was the creation of Force Indy, an all-Black race team led by Reid that competes in the IndyCar ladder USF2000 Series. Force Indy hired and developed Black mechanics, engineers and drivers throughout its entire team. Myles Rowe, who turns 21 in June, drives for the team and has been pegged as a potential Indy 500 driver. 

“The goal is, in 2023, can we have an African-American, male or female, try to qualify for the 500,” Penske said. 

Jimmie McMillian, chief diversity officer for Penske Entertainment, is the architect intent on designing a new era in the open wheel series. He said members of the Black community who live near IMS treat never having attended an Indianapolis 500 as some sort of badge of honor. They have an up-close look at one of the most famous venues in sports and don’t really see anyone who looks like them, certainly not on the starting grid. 

“We want to make sure our paddock represents the fan base that we hope to have,” McMillian said. “My No. 1 goal, I feel every day, is to get rid of the concept that this is a white sport and that people are not welcome here.” 

Years before Penske assumed stewardship of the series, IndyCar had a diversity committee that worked on recruitment and retainment for both the series and IMS. While McMillian viewed the number of women involved on the corporate side as a positive for the series — roughly 35% to 40% of the workforce are women — the minority makeup “was where we probably struggled.”

Read More: NASCAR fans boo Black racer Bubba Wallace, cheer after he crashes at Confederate flag-adorned racetrack

“We tried to figure out why we were so monolithic in our employee base,” McMillian said.

IndyCar’s solution was an attempt to become more aggressive and creative in its outreach efforts — how does it find the best and brightest in urban communities and persuade them to seek a career inside the paddock. Yes, there was a greater presence on social media and ticket drives, and some of the usual promotional pushes like working with key stakeholders in the community such as the Indianapolis Urban League.

“Someone has to take that first step,” Penske said. “I think in the position we’re in, we can be leaders in that area. We’re going to continue to do it. We’re looking at the people we do business with. The people that we hire. We have a much deeper focus. We have that within our company. But I think from a racing perspective, I think we have that responsibility.”

For McMillian, it was the 1-to-1 connection, the personal stories that could be shared with kids and adults that Indianapolis Motor Speedway was as welcoming to them as any other fan enjoying a pork tenderloin sandwich as cars zip past at 200 mph on race day.

“How successful could you be as a person of color if you don’t see people who are successful?” McMillian asked. “So it’s telling that story and going out to different communities to say, not only do we want you here, but there’s different paths of success for you and your race doesn’t matter. This is a great place to work.” 

McMillian changed tires and performed oil changes working at a Bloomington, Indiana, tire dealer in the late 1990s when his co-workers invited him to a NASCAR race at the Brickyard. He was instantly in awe at the scene of packed crowds and fast cars but Confederate flags and “South Will Rise Again” T-shirts made him uncomfortable and sowed doubts about pursuing a career in motorsports. 

He’s now leading a charge for change.

IndyCar didn’t necessarily have a moment like NASCAR faced last year when Black driver Bubba Wallace led the demand for the stock car series to finally ban the Confederate flag from its races and venues.

IndyCar kept an eye on how NASCAR added minority owners like Michael Jordan and Pitbull, and McMillian said there was even more to study from NHRA: The drag racing series has long been a leader in diversity and essentially made gender, race — and even socioeconomics — nonfactors in pursuing a career in motorsports. 

That hasn’t always been the case in IndyCar.

“I knew that I was not dealing on a level playing field,” Ribbs said. “I was not getting the same opportunities based on one thing, and not because I couldn’t win. I was not getting support because I was African-American. Support meaning from corporate America.” 

Read More: NASCAR driver Kyle Larson reinstated after suspension for using N-word

With few exceptions for drivers born into legacy families, pursuing a career in racing is as much about sponsorship, cash and connections as talent, and the hustle is part of the job. IndyCar took a deeper look at identifying businesses willing to support developmental teams or help in securing equipment for up-and-coming programs. That also means developing a career path in racing for women and minorities in a variety of jobs outside the cockpit ranging from race engineers to public relations and sponsorship selling and beyond; Reid is a former member of the whistle-blowing, yellow-shirted security team.

“Some people say having a driver in a car is going to make all the difference in the world but if you listen to Lewis Hamilton, he’s very adamant about the fact that when he gets out of the car and goes to the Mercedes paddock, all the faces don’t look like him,” McMillian said, referring to the seven-time Formula One champion, who is Black. “His success has not changed that. I have the same concern, quite frankly, that if we were successful enough to have the Lewis Hamilton of IndyCar, that alone would not be the thing we need to really bring the change into the sport that we need.”

As an Indycar fan, I thought F1’s efforts were somewhat promising (especially since Indycar doesn’t even seem to believe in racism.). However, as usual, it’s all just smoke and mirrors. Racing is really starting to lose me…. https://t.co/U4d63E9o4L

— Shanelle Muniz (@Racecar_Kitty) September 14, 2020

IndyCar created incentives for teams and track promoters that pushed diversity efforts. NXG students will race karts in Detroit as part of a pilot program that could lead to a full-season schedule in 2022 and expansion of the program is planned across the country.

NXG, funded in part through Lucas Oil sponsorship, has yet to send a student to IndyCar, though there may be no better time for kids to feel like they can succeed in some capacity at IMS. 

Penske is engaged at every level and, yes, diversity can be good for the bottom line, but he has taken a hands-on approach with ideas that could spark fundamental change in the sport.

“He says, what can we do, let’s get it done,” McMillian said.

Look around IMS and tangible culture change is happening now. USF2000, the first rung on the road to IndyCar, raced at IMS during the IndyCar Grand Prix weekend ,and more Black fans seemed to visit the track and watch the race than McMillian could remember. 

“They said, ‘I didn’t know so many Black people came to races,’” he said. “The narrative now is, there are a lot of Black people here. We have to make sure all the folks in our community, for one reason or another can say, ‘I’ve been to the track.’”

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Black cemeteries are reflection of deep segregation history

Many Black Americans excluded from white-owned cemeteries built their own burial spaces, and their descendants are working to preserve the grounds

As a child, Linda Davis and her mother broke clay pots over the gravesites of their ancestors, allowing the flowers in them to take root.

When she returned to Brooklyn Cemetery in Athens, Georgia, decades later in 2009, her grandparents’ temporary grave markers were lost, and shrubs and overgrowth blanketed the site. But it still felt like home to Davis, and she knew then it was up to her to restore the cemetery.

“When I walk through the cemetery, it’s like walking down the old streets of my community,” she said.

Tony Burroughs, CEO of Chicago’s Center for Black Genealogy, bends down Wednesday, March 17, 2021, to take a photo at the gravesite of his great-grandparents in the Oakridge Cemetery in Hillside, Ill. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

Similar Black cemeteries are scattered throughout the United States, telling the story of the country’s deep past of cemetery segregation. As these burial grounds for the dead mirrored the racial divisions of the living, Black communities organized to defend the dignity of their deceased and oppose racist cemetery policies.

Many Black Americans excluded from white-owned cemeteries built their own burial spaces, and their descendants are working to preserve the grounds. Racism still haunts these cemeteries, though, and many are at risk of being lost and lack the support other cemeteries have received.

READ MORE: Black family begins 200-year-old cemetery restoration

Tony Burroughs, CEO of Chicago’s Center for Black Genealogy, began tracing his family’s ancestry in 1975, which led him to a cemetery in suburban Hillside, where he found the remains of his grandparents, great-uncles, great-aunts and great-great-grandparents.

“I’m in the process of telling their story, because they can no longer tell their story,” Burroughs said.

“Blacks have had to fight to get equal rights in every facet of life, including death,” he added.

In Chicago, wealthy white residents were laid to rest beside towering monuments in manicured lawns while people of color and low-income residents were buried in potter’s fields soaked with quicklime and with only wooden paddles identifying their locations.

“There are few areas of life that bigotry and discrimination do not touch,” said Michael Rosenow, associate professor of history at the University of Central Arkansas. “Even cemeteries became battlegrounds for dignity.”

Black communities responded to being barred from white cemeteries or charged more “by drawing on a long history of Black self-help and community organizing,” Rosenow said. In Chicago, they protested in the Illinois Legislature. The fight continued in the courts when in 1912 John Gaskill sued Forest Home Cemetery for refusing to bury his wife because of her race.

A rusted fence surrounds a tombstones at the Lincoln Memorial Cemetery in Portsmouth, Va., Tuesday, March 23, 2021. (AP Photo/Steve Helber)

Black people weren’t the only ones excluded from white cemeteries or who organized to protect the dignity of their dead. The Chinese Cemetery of Los Angeles was established by a mutual aid group in 1922 as a burial ground for Chinese Americans then barred from buying burial plots. Countless Native American tribes have mounted decadeslong efforts to reclaim and rebury their ancestors’ remains.

Many groups built their own cemeteries as “a form of resistance,” Rosenow said. But without the same generational wealth and access to resources, Black cemeteries were at a disadvantage.

READ MORE: Trump staffer dragged for mocking Joe Biden as he visits family’s graves

The effects of chronic underfunding are perhaps most visible at the long-abandoned Mount Forest Cemetery in Thornton, Illinois, where unkempt trees overhang a few crooked headstones peeking up from the grass. In some spots, the ground sinks slightly, marking where a body may lay.

Nadia Orton, a genealogist and family historian who has visited hundreds of cemeteries, said it frustrates her that people assume Black communities are always to blame when their cemeteries are abandoned or neglected.

“They’re trying,” she said. “They just haven’t had the help, and they don’t have the resources.”

She said city leaders are often responsible for the neglect of Black cemeteries or the bulldozing of them to make way for development projects. The cemeteries are sometimes the last remnants of Black communities that have been gutted by projects or gentrified, she said.

In many cases, the cemeteries left behind are hidden. A Tallahassee, Florida, golf course lays atop a burial space for slaves. A Black church cemetery has been paved over in Williamsburg, Virginia. The University of Pennsylvania campus sits on top of a 19th century Black cemetery. Bone fragments were found at the 126th Street Metropolitan Transportation Authority bus depot in East Harlem, New York, which also was once a Black burial ground.

“The examples are endless,” Orton said.

Nadia Orton, a genealogist and family historian in Virginia, poses next to tombstones at the Lincoln Memorial Cemetery in Portsmouth, Va., Tuesday, March 23, 2021. (AP Photo/Steve Helber)

Orton’s great-great-great-grandfather founded a community near Suffolk, Virginia, the city where Orton lives. A hotel parking lot sits where a cemetery once did.

“Am I standing on them now?’” Orton asked about her ancestors as she looked at her feet.

Virginia Rep. A. Donald McEachin has been fighting for legislation to better protect Black burial spaces after noticing in the 1990s how much money was allocated to preserving Confederate graves. McEachin helped introduce the African-American Burial Grounds Network Act in 2018. If the bill passes, it would create a nationwide database of historic Black burial grounds, help produce educational materials for the spaces, and make grants available for further research at the sites.

Organizations like African American Heritage Preservation Foundation Inc. are also supporting grassroots groups in preserving cemeteries.

“A lot of our history has not been uncovered or told,” said founder Renee Ingram. “And so this is a way of educating … the next generation.”

But much of the preservation work still begins on the ground.

When Linda Davis decided to restore the Athens, Georgia, cemetery, she began the delicate, painstaking work of clearing debris and overgrowth. She kept remnants of vases, plates and urns in place.

“Even when it was in its worst disrepair, you could always find a grave that was being tended to, a couple fresh flowers, some kind of sign someone was still watching and caring,” she said.

Davis plans to pave paths, build a fence and restore broken headstones with support from local fundraisers and donations. She feels she’s carrying on the legacy of her ancestors and Black community organizers who opposed cemetery segregation and built these cemeteries.

“I believe I am walking in the spirit of the people who wanted a better resting place for their community,” Davis said.

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